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Darkest Before the Dawn
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11232 |
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Section : |
BOOK WORLD
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| Issue
Date : |
5 / 1986 |
3,449 Words |
| Author
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Jeffrey Herf
Jeffrey Herf is a research associate of the Center for
International Affairs at Harvard University. His book
Reactionary Modernism: Technology, Culture and Politics in
Weimar and the Third Reich was published by Cambridge
University Press in 1984. He is now completing Power and
Interpretation in West Germany: Intellectuals and the Domestic
Sources of International Crisis, to be published by the Free
Press. |
Theodor Adorno, the German philosopher, cultural critic, and sociologist, once said that in psychoanalysis only the exaggerations are true. The same cannot be said for political analysis, as Jean-Francois Revel's book Why Democracies Perish demonstrates. Revel's argument and warning is that the inherent disadvantages of democracy make it "almost inevitable" that totalitarianism will prevail, at least in Europe. It is to ward off this near-inevitability that Revel wrote this book. Revel, a former editor of the Parisian weekly L'Express, has brought to the task of assessing the prospects of the democracies facing the Soviet Union a formidable intellectual arsenal honed in the political and ideological battles of Paris of the post-war period. Although the book contains much common sense about the relations between the Soviet Union and the West, it is too long on assertions assumed to be self-evident. It is too willing to generalize about "democracies" from the experience of Western Europe and the United States in the era making a shift of intellectual and emotional gears from détente to a new era of confrontation in the early 1980s. As a result, the book's pessimism is excessive.
Revel writes in the shadow of the apocalypse, not the apocalypse of nuclear holocaust, but of expanding totalitarianism and the supposed refusal of the Western democracies to grasp the depth of the danger. The central question of the era is, in his view, whether or not "the democracies consent to war to escape slavery, or accept slavery to escape war? Or, worst of all, must they fight a war that will end in their enslavement: What I hope is that they still have the time and the capacity to spare themselves both war and slavery" (p. 349). Yet, in 1983, the same year in which this intellectual call to arms was published, the political leaders of
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