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The Presidential Nomination Process: The Case for a Change
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14404 |
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Section : |
CURRENT ISSUES
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| Issue
Date : |
6 / 1988 |
2,496 Words |
| Author
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James I. Lengle
James I. Lengle is associate professor of government at
Georgetown University. |
No election matches the suspense and significance of an American presidential nominating campaign. The nation and the world await each week's primary results and delegate totals, and two contenders move a step closer to their party's nomination and to the most important political office on the face of the earth, the U.S. presidency. The suspense and significance of the event, however, are marred by the spectacle of an irrational, unfair, and dysfunctional process.
Nowhere are the combined flaws of the system better illustrated than by Iowa's and New Hampshire's life-or-death grip over the field of contenders. Winning or doing better than expected in these two states transforms unknowns into instant front-runners and generates sufficient momentum either to propel candidates to the nomination (for example, George McGovern in 1972; Jimmy Carter, 1976; Ronald Reagan, 1980) or to sustain them through the remaining primaries (Eugene McCarthy, 1968; George Bush, 1980; Gary Hart, 1984; Michael Dukakis, 1988). Every Democratic and Republican nominee since 1972 has finished first or second in Iowa or New Hampshire. History is repeating itself in 1988 as the two winners of the New Hampshire primary, Bush and Dukakis, appear headed toward party nominations, and the Iowa Republican caucus winner, Robert Dole, emerged as the only serious challenger to Bush.
For candidates finishing third or worse in Iowa and New Hampshire, the race is over just as it has begun for the nation. Of the 28 Democratic and Republican contenders since 1972, 24 were eliminated from the contest shortly after finishing third or worse in these first two states. Of the four who survived the Iowa and New Hampshire veto (George Wallace in 1972, Henry Jackson in 1976, Jesse
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